A Constant, Blinding Rage

I spend a fair amount of time on longform.org because it is a great resource for finding high quality, long form journalism.  One of the things that has been particularly rewarding lately has been reading the James Baldwin essays that the site has posted which have been thought-provoking and have led me to contemplate a number of things.  First, I consider myself a literate individual with a decent grasp of American history and literature.  However, reading James Baldwin has demonstrated that I am both less literate than I thought and have a more incomplete grasp of American history and literature than I previously supposed.  Second, reading Baldwin has demonstrated that despite having made some progress toward becoming a more egalitarian and less oppressive society, that progress has been depressingly small.  Third, reading James Baldwin often puts me in the mode of a spectator, simply observing the deftness and power of his language.  The man wrote with remarkable power, poignancy, and perception.   

The most recent essay I read is “From the American Scene: The Harlem Ghetto: Winter 1948.”  In it, Baldwin tackles a number of issues involving the experience of being a “Negro” in America.  Toward the end he makes a couple of observations that are worth repeating because they are accurate and powerful.  He writes that “oppression – the social and political optimists to the contrary – does not imbue a people with wisdom or insight or sweet charity:  it breeds in them instead a constant, blinding rage.”  He is, of course, speaking of the African American experience.   As noted above, it is peculiar that I considered myself literate when I was exposed to no such perspective.  I carried an enormous amount of passion when I was young for justice and equality and would rage against the excesses and inequities of the farce known as Reagonomics; nevertheless, the experience that stirred my passion was not “oppression” of the sort Baldwin describes in the essay.  While Reagonomics undoubtedly sanctioned inequity and excess, my complaint in truth was one of quantitative degree.  I looked like the very opponents with whom I argued.  I debated Paul Ryan (yes, that Paul Ryan) in AP History class and realistically the only difference between myself and Paul was and is familial wealth.  Redistribute a bit here and there, luck out a bit here and there, and our positions could be flip-flopped.  My arguments were of a vertical sort, addressing the unfair quantitative differences separating people.  There was in me no “constant, blinding rage.”  I could not conceive of such a thing.  Despite my youthful radicalism, I was at base optimistic.  Things would be better if only we just shared the wealth more equitably.  Unfortunately, redistribution is not the answer to oppression (witness the blinding rage stirred by the image of the “black welfare queen”). 

I retain a sort of optimism, though one measured and realistic, tempered as it has been by time and experience.  One such experience adding nuance to my perspective has been greater exposure persons of African American descent, among others.  Coupled with reading Baldwin (and other African American writers), this exposure has opened a window on a part of the American experience to which I had previously been blind.  I was always against and horrified by racism.  Nevertheless, I could only grasp racism as an intellectual concept, as a category that was like class, which could be ameliorated through quantitative means. 

My son is completing second grade and many of his classmates and friends are African American.  They are, like all of his classmates, funny, delightful, mischievous, ornery, regular, goofy, serious, brilliant, difficult, easy, etc.  In short, they are regular kids.  However, I fear that my son’s classmates and friends will be, if they have not already been, subject to the oppression about which Baldwin writes.  Perhaps it will not come in the form of abject poverty and overt discrimination.  It will however, come in some form, be it traffic stops that happen simply because they are black and driving or the palpable discomfort many white people will express simply because they are young and black or the condescension of those who will assume that their achievements were not wholly “earned” because they are black and must have gotten some affirmative action or something or the razor’s edge they stand on as adolescents between freedom and incarceration for doing things that would just be stupid things if they were melanin-challenged and living in a suburb.  Oppression, I fear, will come.  In this respect, I wonder how far we have come, if at all from Baldwin who, in 1948 wrote,

I can conceive of no Negro native to this country who has not, by the age of puberty, been irreparably scarred by the conditions of his life.  All over Harlem, Negro boys and girls are growing into stunted maturity, trying desperately to find a place to stand, and the wonder is not that so many are ruined but that so many survive.

I look at the boys and girls with whom my son goes to school and I am furious that any single one of them has been or will be irreparably scarred by the conditions of his or her life.  I am furious that I went 40 years before I began to understand in a visceral way that being “black” is not a class category or even a race (as the term is ordinarily understood) but instead is a category of power(lessness).  I am grateful to have encountered James Baldwin on longform.org, but I am furious that I did not encounter him sooner as a mandatory part of my education.  I think every person would do well to read Baldwin and allow his words to percolate and sink in, to consider whether the world about which Baldwin wrote is so different from our own, to consider whether she has been complicit in perpetuating the power differential that causes oppression, to consider whether there is something he can do to change the power differential, to consider whether we want to live in a country where persons deemed “black” are irreparably scarred by the conditions of their lives, to consider how she can fight oppression so that hope and possibility and ordinary striving can “replace constant, blinding rage.”  I leave you with these words from Ta-Nehesi Coates and Lyndon Johnson:

“Negro poverty is not white poverty,” President Johnson said in his historic civil-rights speech.

Many of its causes and many of its cures are the same. But there are differences—deep, corrosive, obstinate differences—radiating painful roots into the community and into the family, and the nature of the individual. These differences are not racial differences. They are solely and simply the consequence of ancient brutality, past injustice, and present prejudice.

We invoke the words of Jefferson and Lincoln because they say something about our legacy and our traditions. We do this because we recognize our links to the past—at least when they flatter us. But black history does not flatter American democracy; it chastens it.